We are used to
assessing processing speed via visual – motor tasks. But processing speed exists in all modalities
(auditory, tactile and probably also olfactory and taste…). Assessing processing speed in more than one
modality will possibly give us a more reliable picture of the child's
functioning in this ability. Cameron and
his colleagues devised a test to assess auditory processing speed. Despite its shortcomings,
I think this test is an interesting and important endeavor.
Processing
speed is the rate at which a person performs simple perceptual or cognitive
tasks with reasonable accuracy. Processing speed affects the rate at which a
person can think, process sensory information or perform other cognitive
processes like remembering or understanding language. Processing speed measures include a variety
of tasks, including associating numbers with symbols, searching for and
responding to specific targets, and rapid naming of visual stimuli (in CHC
terms, rapid automatic naming, especially in tests where the child rapidly
names many different stimuli, is a measure of retrieval fluency, which is a
narrow ability within Long Term Storage and Retrieval, but it also has a
significant element of processing speed).
Individual differences in processing speed
have been shown to influence academic performance in the classroom. Processing speed underlies many cognitive
skills including reading word recognition, reading comprehension, verbal
ability, and verbal reasoning (in order to understand texts, we have to be
able to encode the words and link them to their semantic meanings fluently and
automatically, and to process the ideas in the text at the reading speed. In order to understand the teacher and
participate in class discussions we have to process the ideas we hear at a pace
that matches the teacher's speaking rate or the conversation rate, and to plan
the verbal message we want to convey at a rate that matches the conversation
rate).
In a study of 214
children aged 7 to 19, it was found that individual differences in processing
speed directly affect working memory capacity, which in turn cause
interpersonal differences in fluid ability.
I think that there is an interaction between processing speed and working
memory capacity ("capacity" is the number of items that can be
"held" in working memory). When
processing speed is fast, one can process more with the same working memory
capacity. When processing speed is slow,
a larger working memory capacity can make up for it, because the larger
capacity allows one to hold more pieces of information before they decay, so
that one is able to process them even when information flows slowly.
Twenty school-aged children with specific
language impairment (SLI) took part in a study which investigated reduced
speech input rate could enhance language processing. A word recognition
reaction time task was used whereby participants monitored simple sentences for
a target word and made a timed response immediately upon recognizing the
target. Sentences were presented at normal speaking rate, a slow rate (time
expanded by 25 per cent) and a fast rate (time compressed by 25 per cent).
Results were compared to 20 age matched typically developing (TD) children. The SLI group had significantly
slower reactions times than the controls for the normal and fast-rate
sentences, but faster reaction times for slow-rate sentences. Children with SLI produced the fastest
reaction times for slow-rate sentences and the slowest reaction times for
fast-rate sentences. In comparison, the controls showed the fastest reaction
times for fast-rate sentences and the slowest reaction times for slow-rate
sentences. Interestingly, even the
oldest children with SLI still demonstrated significantly slower reaction times
than the youngest TD children on the normal and fast-rate sentences. The author
concluded that the language processing of children with SLI can be enhanced by
presenting material at a slower rate, as the rate of processing allows such children time
to allocate their attentional resources more effectively to the various
processing operations supporting comprehension.
Apparently, it's possible to assess the auditory
processing speed of babies!
Researchers compared two groups of six month old babies: one that had a family history of SLI, and
another without such history. The babies
listened to a specific repetitive sound pattern, and were trained to turn their
heads when they heard a different sound pattern. Then, whenever the baby succeeded, the
inter-sound interval in each pattern was shortened (the pattern was played
faster). Whenever the baby failed, the
inter-sound interval in each pattern was lengthened (the pattern was played
slower). Thus, the researchers adjusted
the pattern's pace to the baby, until the baby's auditory processing speed was
determined (it was the fastest rate at
which the baby was still able to perform the task). A significant difference was found between
the auditory processing speed of the babies in the two groups (the
direction of the difference is not written, so I assume that babies with a
family history of SLI had slower auditory processing speed). Auditory processing speed was also the
single best predictor of language outcomes at two years of age based on a large
battery of sensory, perceptual and cognitive measures. By three years of age,
two variables — auditory processing speed obtained at 6 months and male gender
— together predicted 39–41% of the variance in language outcome.
Cameron and his
colleagues developed a computerized test to assess auditory processing speed in
children, and tested it with children in first to sixth grades. The 174 children tested did not have
attention or hearing problems. The test
took 15 minutes (a bit too lengthy…).
During the test the child heard, in random order, nouns (common objects,
animals and body parts) and number words (five possible words: "one",
"two", "three", "four", "five"). The child's task was to respond by pressing
the mouse whenever he hears a number word.
Up to this point the test sounds like an attention test. This is sensible, since we know that
inattention has a detrimental effect on processing speed. Processing speed is the rate and the fluency
with which a person can perform a task that demands attentional resources.
Processing speed was
assessed in Cameron and his colleagues' test in a similar manner to the way it
was assessed in the babies' test: when
the child correctly identified two number words, the word stream was played
faster. When the child did not identify
a number word or pressed the mouse when a noun was sounded, the word stream was
played slower. Thus the rate of
presentation of the word stream was adjusted until the child's auditory
processing speed was determined (the fastest rate at which the child could
perform the task). The child's auditory
processing speed was computed in terms of words per minute (the number of words
the child could process in a minute).
The children's
scores on this test were normally distributed.
The average auditory processing speed of first grade children was 39
words per minute and of sixth grade children – 59 words per minute. Older children's processing speed
was significantly faster than younger children's processing speed. Every year auditory processing speed
increased in four words per minute.
A serious problem in
the test was a positive correlation that was found between impulsivity and
processing speed. Each one standard deviation rise in
impulsivity was correlated with half a standard deviation rise in processing
speed. This finding indicates an error
in the test, since an impulsive child should not be "rewarded" with a
faster processing speed.
Beyond that, Schneider
and
McGrew define processing speed this way:
the speed and
fluency with which a person can perform a self paced, attention
demanding task. In processing speed
tasks, the stimuli are all presented together (for example, the child is handed
a piece of paper with visual stimuli), and the child controls his working
speed. In Cameron's test each stimulus
was presented separately (by the nature of auditory presentation), and the
child did not control his working pace (although the pace was adjusted to
him). Is Schneider and McGrew's definition is too restrictive? In daily tasks that require processing speed,
the rate of stimuli presentation is not always in our control. When we read a book, our reading rate and
processing speed is indeed in our control.
But when we listen to a teacher talking in class, her speaking rate is
not in our control.
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