Who is Samuel Ortiz?
Dr. Ortiz
is a school psychologist. He is also an Associate
Professor of Psychology and former Director of the School Psychology Program at
St. John's University, Queens, New York.
Dr. Ortiz trains and consults nationally and internationally on topics
ranging from nondiscriminatory assessment to contemporary evaluation of
learning disabilities. Dr. Ortiz is bilingual (Spanish) and bicultural (Puerto
Rican).
Dr. Ortiz works and publishes a lot with
Dawn Flanagan, who developed the application of CHC theory to learning
disability definition.
The material here is taken from this
chapter:
Flanagan,
D. P., Ortiz, S. O., & Alfonso, V. C. (2007). Use of the cross-battery approach in the assessment of
diverse individuals. Essentials
of cross-battery assessment second edition, 146-205.
Ortiz
developed a system that helps determine whether low scores obtained by a
multilingual/multicultural child result mainly from the child's cultural and
linguistic difference or reflect real cognitive difficulties the child
has. Ortiz emphasizes that this method
does not stand alone, but should be taken as one of many assessment procedures that
also consider the child's cultural and linguistic history.
Ortiz classified tests from IQ and other
batteries into a table mapping their linguistic and cultural loading. This is the
CULTURE LANGUAGE
INTERPRETIVE MATRIX C – LIM.
A few words before we look at the tables.
Intelligence tests are usually developed from
a western point of view. The following
amusing story by Alan Kaufman about his work with David Wechsler on the WISC
test can attest that:
"He would usually respond calmly but
occasionally I'd strike a raw nerve, and his grandfatherly smile would
evaporate. His temples would start to
pulse, and his entire face and scalp would turn crimson. I'd unconsciously move my chair back in self
protection, the way I did when I tested hard core prisoners on the old WAIS and
had to ask the question: "Why should we keep away from bad company?"
I struck that exposed nerve when I urged him to eliminate the Comprehension
item about walking away from a fight if someone much smaller starts to fight
with you. The argument that you can't
walk away from any fight in a black ghetto just added fuel to his rage. When I suggested, at a later meeting, that he
just had to get rid of the item, "Why should women and children be
saved first in a shipwreck?" or incur the wrath of the new wave of
militant feminists, his response was instant.
With red face and a pulsing head, he stood up, leaned on his desk with
extended arms, and said as if he were firing a semiautomatic, "Chivalry
may be dying, chivalry may be dead. But
it will not die on the WISC."
The Wechsler-Kaufman argument shows the
extent to which the content of tests reflects the beliefs and values of the
people who create them. What is
considered intelligent behavior, and what is considered a right answer to a
question in an intelligence test, is not something objective. All intelligence and cognitive ability tests
reflect the culture in which they were created.
The extent of the familiarity of a person with the culture in which the
test was created affects his performance on the test.
Even tests that are presented as free
from cultural bias are not entirely so.
Lowering the oral language requirements of a test does not entirely erase
the potential linguistic bias and does not lessen much of the cultural
bias. Tests with visual content
sometimes have even more culture dependent content than verbal tests (pictures
of a baseball glove or bat are meaningless to Israeli children, for
example). Sometimes the visual stimuli
are clear, but the test has lengthy and complex verbal instructions that can be
burdensome to bilingual children.
For the purpose of classifying tests
according to their cultural and linguistic loading, Ortiz collected data of the
performance of bilingual children on intelligence tests. To the best of my understanding, most of the
information he managed to glean was about the Wechsler tests. When
no data was available, he used expert consensus to classify test batteries.
How do we work with these tables?
|
|
Degree of linguistic demand
|
|
|
low
|
moderate
|
high
|
Degree of cultural loading
|
low
|
Performance least affected
1
|
2
|
Increasing effect of language difference
3
|
Moderate
|
2
|
3
|
4
|
high
|
Increasing effect of cultural difference
3
|
4
|
Performance most affected by linguistic and
cultural differences
5
|
For each cell in the table, we compute an
average score of the tests administered belonging to this cell.
Next, we ask ourselves three questions:
1. Is
the highest cell average in cell 1?
2. Is the lowest cell average in cell 5?
3. Do the remaining cell averages fall
between the highest and lowest scores and follow a relative decline in value
from cell 1 to cell 5?
If the answer to all questions is
"yes", then it is very likely that the test results are invalid and
reflect lack of acculturation and limited English proficiency more so than true
ability. If the answer to any question
is "no", then the data may be
valid and uncompromised by cultural or linguistic factors and can be used, in
conjunction with other converging data, to support hypotheses regarding the
presence of a disability. It doesn't
mean that the child has disability. It
means that we can go on to see if the child's data satisfy the criteria for LD.
I think Ortiz's method is a good starting point to multicultural
assessment and leaves room for optimism about our ability to reduce cultural
and linguistic bias in assessment.
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