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Showing posts with label crystallized ability. Show all posts
Showing posts with label crystallized ability. Show all posts

Thursday, November 19, 2015

A slightly different view on fluid ability and its relations with working memory, comprehension knowledge and learning

 

Lohman, D. F., Lakin, J. M., Sternberg, R. J., & Kaufman, S. B. (2009).Reasoning and intelligence. Handbook of intelligence, 419-441.‏    

This is a wonderful chapter about reasoning, which is part of the fluid ability.  Almost every sentence in this chapter is significant.  Here I'll focus on some of the ideas that were especially interesting to me.
 
Reasoning processes, comprehension knowledge and learning
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People who solve problems efficiently usually turn their attention, sometimes even unconsciously, to different aspects of the problem than people who solve problem less efficiently.  People who are efficient problem solvers know what to look for and what to ignore.  This results from more experience that they have with similar problems and from an ability to make good use of their past experience.

Good thinking about complex problems depends on knowledge.  Expertise is based on knowledge, and experts think about problems differently than novices. Good reasoning leads to better organization of knowledge in memory.  Every reasoning process we perform depends on the efficiency of the reasoning processes we performed in the past, and on the ways we stored the products of these processes in memory.  An increasingly sophisticated knowledge base supports increasingly sophisticated forms of reasoning. A more sophisticated knowledge base has richer, more abstract associative connections between concepts and more metacognitive knowledge that links strategies to goals.  In other words, the better our reasoning processes are, the more complex our comprehension knowledge, which is the product of these reasoning processes, will be.  

Reasoning abilities are apparent even in a vocabulary test.  Individual differences in a vocabulary test can result from the extent to which we use metacognitive processes when we learn words.  For instance, do we systematically examine alternative meanings of a word when we hear it in an unfamiliar context, or do we remain with a vague understanding of it? When  we infer that a word has additional meanings, and understand them with precision, we are able reorganize our comprehension knowledge in a way that will assist us in future learning.  Researchers argue, that the ability to derive word meanings out of the contexts in which they are heard may be the cause of the high correlation that usually exists between vocabulary and reasoning tests (and also between vocabulary and g).  A wide vocabulary enables the understanding and expression of a wider variety of ideas, and assists in learning new words and concepts.  Thus language functions as a tool for expression, refinement and acquisition of thought, and the modest vocabulary test requires reasoning processes and is a product of reasoning processes. 
  
Choosing what knowledge to apply to a new problem is a nontrivial source of reasoning complexity. Developmental psychologists have long known that children reveal much about the sophistication of their reasoning by how they classify or sort objects: on the basis of an arbitrary association, or by using perceptual characteristics, or, at the highest level, by using several different abstract concepts.  Therefore, deciding how best to describe the relationships among two or more concepts is a critical step in reasoning.  Poor reasoners often settle for a vague relationship or rule rather for a more exact one.  This could be because they terminate the search for a rule or relationship too quickly, or because they do not critically examine how well candidate rules or relationships describe the data, or because they simply do not see or know the rule.

It's possible to practice and train deductive thinking (applying known rules to specific cases), or at least, it's possible to improve performance in specific tasks that measure deductive thinking. This means that deductive reasoning tests can measure different abilities in examinees who have learned strategies for solving problems like those used on the test than for examinees who must invent a strategy on the spot.  For people who practiced, performance on such tests leans much more on the retrieval of the learned strategy out of the knowledge base.  For people who did not practice, these tests are much more fluid. 

Reasoning processes require ongoing activation of executive functions like monitoring, feedback, planning, adjusting existing strategies to the new situation and inventing new strategies, and the ability to learn from past attempts to solve the problem.  Reading comprehension, for example, requires updating our mental model of the text  with new information received during reading.  For instance, if we perceive one of the characters in our mental model as a bad person, and we read about a good deed this person did, we update our mental model of him.  Children with monitoring difficulties (executive function difficulties) find it hard to do that.  They may stick with the initial impression they formed of this character, and fail to update it with later incoming information. 

Naïve interpreters of reasoning tests think that reasoning ability influences achievement level (in other words, they see causal arrows running only from reasoning ability to achievement).  But both reasoning ability and achievement are products of leaning and experience. 

Understanding a story, inferring the meaning of an unknown word, recognizing patterns and rules in information, abstracting the given information in order to create rules or principles, applying mathematical concepts to solve a problem – in these and in many other ways, successful learning requires reasoning strategies.  The best way to develop reasoning is through challenging instruction that requires students to practice familiar reasoning strategies and to invent or to learn new strategies.  Thus, learning requires reasoning, but the learning process itself develops reasoning.

In the past it was believed that it's good to adjust the instruction method to the learning style (for example, to give more verbal instruction to a people who prefers verbal learning and to give instruction with more graphs and visual material for people who prefer to learn via visual images).  Contrary to the expectations of virtually all, the profile of specific learning styles generally does not account for much of the variation in outcomes. Indeed, interactions between learning styles (such verbalizer versus visualizer) and instructional methods (such as an emphasis on visual versus verbal media) are usually small. Instead, it is advisable to adjust instruction style to the learner's cognitive abilities.  For example, a child with poor reasoning ability can be taught with more examples, and with more explicit explanations.  A child with poor comprehension knowledge can be given texts that are linguistically simpler.  Vocabulary from the text can be taught in advance.  The general information required to understand the text can be also pre-taught.

Reasoning ability and working memory.

Theories that attempt to explain reasoning processes assume there are phases in the inference process that include: A.  Representing the premises in working memory.  B.  Creating mental models of possible solutions that are derived from the premises, holding these models simultaneously in working memory and comparing them.  These processes demand significant working memory resources.  Thus limitations in working memory cause individual differences in reasoning abilities.

Since working memory limits the number of mental models that can be held simultaneously in working memory, people with a limited working memory capacity may not succeed in creating enough models to evaluate the validity of a conclusion. 

Researchers find a large overlap between fluid ability and working memory.  The authors of this chapter argue that this overlap is caused by fluid ability being measured too narrowly and working memory being measured too broadly. 

The authors claim that matrices tests that require nonverbal reasoning predict learning and academic achievement in the real world less well than measures of verbal and quantitative reasoning (for example, verbal analogies tests or mathematical series tests).  Thus, when we assess reasoning with one test like the Raven, or similar tests, we don't represent all aspects of the reasoning process.

On the other hand, working memory tests are more complex than it seems.  These tests involve understanding directions that are fairly complex (for example, in the number – letter series test), forming a strategy and sometimes altering it, performing a difficult task with high demands for attention, and keeping a high degree of continuous effort.  These tasks also require executive functions – monitoring the process, inhibiting wrong responses, and switching sets flexibly.  Thus, working memory tests contain fluid aspects.

To summarize:  reasoning abilities are not static.  They develop through experience and are easier to perform after training.  Individual differences in reasoning correlate significantly with the amount of information people can hold in working memory while performing a manipulation.  The ability to do this depends on the attention resources that a person has, on his degree of familiarity with the information, and on his experience with the performance of the required manipulation.  Thus, prior knowledge and skills determine to a large extent the level of reasoning that can be reached in reasoning tests and in reasoning situations in daily life.

When assessing fluid ability, it's important to include a broad range of tests, not only matrices tests that intentionally decrease the contribution of comprehension knowledge to the reasoning process.  It's important to include tests requiring verbal and quantitative reasoning, which are closer to the way fluid ability works in real life. 

This chapter emphasizes the importance of looking at fluid ability clinically – on the ways it is expressed in tests that do not measure it directly (for example, looking at the child's level of conceptualization when he defines a word, and at his ability to understand implicit meanings in texts).  It also emphasizes the dependence of fluid ability on other abilities like working memory and comprehension knowledge, and the interaction between them. 



Saturday, July 5, 2014

The thirty million word gap




The thirty million word gap

A fascinating study brought to my attention by Dr. Galit Benzvi.

Hart and Risley conducted observations to explore the effects of daily parent – child interactions on language and vocabulary development.  This research was published in 2004.

They discovered that up to the age of three, children from high SES families had been exposed to 30 million more words than children from low SES families!  This gap only widened over the years. 

Emotionally, up to the age of three, children from high SES families had been exposed to 560000 more words of praise and encouragement   than words of discouragement.  Children raised in low SES families had been exposed up to the age of three to 125000 more words of discouragement than encouragement.

A short summary of this research appears here: 


A more detailed (but still short) summary appears here:



Language development has a great influence on cognitive development.  The consequences are clear: early interventions in the public education system are not enough.  There needs to be work with parents on their linguistic interactions with their children at home.

Wednesday, June 4, 2014

synonymy


 What’s the difference between a violin and a fiddle? No one minds if you spill beer on a fiddle.

A few days ago I was trying to exit a parking lot but couldn't find the paying machine.  Luckily one of the parking lot employees was just passing by.  He was very helpful: "look over there.  See this white thing with the hole in it? Put your ticket in that  hole."  I looked in the direction he was pointing at, but couldn't see anything white with a hole in it.  At a closer inspection I realized that right in front of me was a white paying machine with a slot for the ticket.  What confused me was that I was looking for a hole, a round thing.
As I'm currently working on a presentation about crystallized knowledge (the 7th in the nine presentation series about cognitive abilities) this incident made me think about synonymy.

What's really the difference between a slot and a hole? A hole doesn't have to be round.  Is a slot a kind of a hole?  Maybe a slot has to be elongated.  But a hole can also be elongated (to a degree?).  Does a hole have to go all the way through  -  but a slot doesn't?  What about the difference between a slot and a crack? a slot and a slit?

Philip Edmonds and Graeme Hirst address these issues in their paper Near synonymy and lexical choice.  Computational Linguistics 2002 vol.28 no. 2  pp. 105-144

Here are a few points from this paper:

In a given language, all the words which express neighboring ideas help define one another’s meaning.

Synonyms are words that are identical in “central semantic traits” and differ, if at all, only in “peripheral traits.” But how can we specify just how much similarity of central traits and dissimilarity of peripheral traits is allowed?

On the one hand, any two words are synonyms (because every word denotes a “thing”).   But on the other hand, no two words could ever be known to be synonyms, because, even at a fine grain, apparent synonyms might be further distinguishable by a still more fine-grained representation.

As a possible solution to this problem, the authors introduce the idea of granularity of representation of word meaning.   Granularity is the level of detail used to describe or represent the meanings of a word.    Granularity is essential to the concept of cognitive synonymy, as which pairs of words are cognitive synonyms depends on the granularity with which we represent their meanings.

The meaning of any word must have inherent aspects.   But nuances of meaning can only be fully understood as differences and relations between that word and one or more of its synonyms.  

According to Merriam Webster dictionary, a hole is an opening through something.  A slot is a narrow opening or groove.  A crack is a thin line in the surface of something that is broken but not separated into pieces; a very narrow space or opening between two things or two parts of something. A slit is a long, narrow cut or opening in something.

These four words have the same inherent coarse aspect (opening).  In this level of coarse granularity, they are related words (far synonyms?)   But their fine grained  differences  define each of them precisely.

Why is this important?

Words and concepts are the building blocks of thinking.  Synonymy helps us  make fine word distinctions.  Being able to distinguish between nuances makes us better thinkers.  It also enables us to communicate our meanings with more clarity and precision.  Having a rich "arsenal" of synonyms helps us overcome retrieval lapses as we have alternative forms of expressions.

Another thought:
It's possible that there are individual differences (and possibly developmental differences) in the granularity of the representation of word meanings.  This could explain why some people judge a word pair as synonyms while others don't.  It's possible that the former represent those words with a coarser level of granularity than the latter.