ברוכים הבאים! בלוג זה נועד לספק משאבים לפסיכולוגים חינוכיים ואחרים בנושאים הקשורים לדיאגנוסטיקה באורייטנצית CHC אבל לא רק.
בבלוג יוצגו מאמרים נבחרים וכן מצגות שלי וחומרים נוספים.
אם אתם חדשים כאן, אני ממליצה לכם לעיין בסדרת המצגות המופיעה בטור הימני, שכותרתה "משכל ויכולות קוגניטיביות".
Welcome! This blog is intended to provide assessment resources for Educational and other psychologists.
The material is CHC - oriented , but not entirely so.
The blog features selected papers, presentations made by me and other materials.
If you're new here, I suggest reading the presentation series in the right hand column – "intelligence and cognitive abilities".
נהנית מהבלוג? למה שלא תעקוב/תעקבי אחרי?
Enjoy this blog? Become a follower!
Followers
Search This Blog
Showing posts with label visual processing.. Show all posts
Showing posts with label visual processing.. Show all posts
Tuesday, April 26, 2016
Visuospatial processing, the sense of direction, reality and virtual reality
A few years ago,
each of my adolescent kids was invited with his classmates to a
"navigation day", organized by the youth movement and the parent
association. We live in a small
community with an infrequent bus schedule.
The rational for this navigation day:
"We drive our kids everywhere, thus they don't develop independence
and don't know how to get from place to place on their own and using public
transportation. The purpose of this day
is to train these skills."
A few days ago I
happened to read this short piece by JULIE LYTHCOTT HAIMS, a former dean of
Stanford University. Haims mentions
eight must- have skills for every 18 year old.
One of the skills is this: "An 18-year-old must be able to
find his or her way around a campus, the town in which her summer
internship is located, or the city where he is working or studying abroad. We drive or accompany our children
everywhere, even when a bus, their bicycle, or their own feet could get them
there; thus, kids don’t know the route for getting from here to there, how to
cope with transportation options and snafus, when and how to fill the car with
gas, or how to make and execute transportation plans."
I get the feeling
that this is typical of adolescents and young people from good SES background
in Western societies… Lack of navigational
experience not only affects a person's independence and ability to get from
here to there, but also his
ability to create a cognitive map of his near and far surrounding. Cognitive maps form through active interaction with the environment. When an adolescent sits at the back sit of
the car, looks passively out of the window or, worse, looks at his cellular,
the cognitive map created in his mind is far poorer than when he navigates
actively. The problem is not only with
adolescents who don't have a driving licence. When a driver
uses GPS, especially if he does it "blindly", his ability to create a
cognitive map of his surrounding is badly affected. In both cases, the adolescent's and the
driver's, the mental representation created is mainly of two "dots" –
the starting point and the destination point.
The space between these points is not mentally represented or is
represented poorly.
Maguire et al found a correlation between the hippocampus
volume of London taxi drivers and their experience on the job. The more experience a person had
as a taxi driver, the larger was his hippocampus. This was in contrast with London bus drivers,
who had no correlation between hippocampus size and experience at the job. While taxi drivers have to navigate to
different and new destinations all the time, bus drivers drive on the same
known and practiced route. These studies
were done in 2000 and 2006, before GPS use was widespread.
Several researchers have argued that navigating
with GPS devices supports only a reduced, disembodied understanding of
landscape, hinders the development of cognitive maps, and results in poor
reconstruction and memory of the environment through which one is driving. The GPS relieves the driver of the need to plan
his route (or to retrieve a route from memory), to pay careful attention to his
surrounding in order to look for landmarks that match the planned route
(salient objects, road signs etc.), to monitor his present location compared
with the target location and his progress towards the target location, to
correct navigation mistakes and to store the route in memory for future
use. Using GPS reduces the driver's active
involvement with the surrounding environment. Thanks to GPS, “engaging with the
environment becomes a matter of choice”.
On a philosophical note, Yi-Fu Tuan, a cultural geographer,
defines space and place in relation to each other: What begins as undifferentiated
space becomes place as we get to know it better and endow it with value. […]
From the security and stability of place we are aware of the openness, freedom,
and threat of space, and vice versa. "
Does GPS hinder our ability to turn our
route from "space" to "place"?
Obviously, for people with significant
navigation difficulties and with a poor sense of direction, the GPS is a
lifesaver. It also enables us to
discover facts about our route's surrounding that we would not have discovered
otherwise (for instance, the location of restaurants along the route).
The ability to
maintain a sense of direction and of place as we move in our surrounding is a
basic cognitive ability. Navigating in
space enables us to find our way in complex surroundings (a trail in nature,
but also an airport, a campus, a shopping mall, an elementary school, high
school). We can think about the
experience of a first grade child, who moves from the small surrounding of the
kindergarten to a much larger and much more complex surrounding of the
elementary school (at least in Israel).
Do we think enough about this aspect of school readiness? How important
is it to let the child know and find his way in the space in which he is going
to study – before the beginning of the school year?
When lesions to the
brain impair navigational abilities, patients often experience devastating
effects on their everyday lives. Given its complexity, it is not surprising that
humans differ widely in
their navigational abilities. Variability in navigational abilities can arise
at multiple stages of the process, including the precision with which spatial
information is encoded from sensory experiences, the ability to form spatial
representations of external environments and the efficacy with which they are
used to guide navigational behavior. There are individual differences in
perspective taking ability (the ability to perceive depth and
distance). There are individual
differences in size perception and estimation (these are related to
mathematical ability). There are
individual differences in the sense of direction (a person's ability to monitor
the spatial direction his head is pointing to).
We can estimate a child's sense of direction when we ask him, when he is
in the psychologist's room, to point at the direction of his class, his home
etc.
A child's
ability to navigate is affected both by genetic factors and by environmental
factors like parental guidance and exposure to maps. Thus it can be improved. The more active a person's interaction with
his environment is, the deeper his visuospatial processing will be.
You may
have noticed that when you drive around in your car, even in a highly scenic
environment, and stop in viewpoints, you don't enjoy yourself as much as when
you hike in the same surrounding. There's no doubt that physical effort adds to
the enjoyment, there's no doubt that finishing a trail gives one a sense of
closure and accomplishment, but it may be that walking enables us to create a
more detailed cognitive map of the surrounding, which gives us a good feeling
of "mastery".
When we reach
specific sites abroad, sometimes one of my children announces: "I've been here in/with google
earth". What's the difference
between visiting a place physically and visiting it virtually? Beyond the multisensory experience of the
real thing, when we are actually there we experience the site in its physical
context, we understand better how it "connects" with the surrounding
city or other sites in the area.
Is it a new – old
role of the school at our age? To take
children on navigation trips? To teach
them to find their way around? Is it
easier to read a map, to study Geography, when you navigate with a map? When you create your own map of your physical
environment?
Many studies of
individual differences in spatial ability have focused on smaller-scale tasks
that involve simple object transformations (i.e. mental rotation). Do these abilities predict individual
differences at large scale navigation? A recent review of 12 studies found that
the median correlation between the two kinds of tasks exceeded 0.3 only in two
studies, and the majority of correlations were not statistically significant. Navigation in the real world also involves
the sensing of self-motion for the purpose of spatial updating and path
integration, an ability that cannot be measured with simple object-based tasks
in which self-motion cues are neither
available nor task-relevant.
Leshed,
G., Velden, T., Rieger, O., Kot, B., & Sengers, P. (2008, April). In-car
gps navigation: engagement
with and disengagement from the environment. In Proceedings
of the SIGCHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems (pp.
1675-1684). ACM. http://leshed.comm.cornell.edu/pubs/chi1103-leshed.pdf
Wolbers,
T., & Hegarty, M. (2010). What determines our navigational abilities? Trends in
cognitive sciences, 14(3), 138-146.
http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.297.8605&rep=rep1&type=pdf
Monday, May 4, 2015
Nonverbal learning disability – is it possible to define it in terms of CHC theory? Part one.
The interesting idea to write about this subject is Meir Buchner's.
A search for papers referring directly to this subject
did not yield results, so I'll try to make my own conjectures. Due to this post's length I divided it into
two parts.
In this part we'll look at the symptoms of nonverbal
learning disability (NVLD).
The definition of NVLD is in dispute.
Mammarella & Cornoldi reviewd 35 NVLD studies and derived five
diagnostic criteria. They stress that
the criteria are preliminary, since NVLD was defined differently in each
study. There is a need for more research
done with a consensual definition.
Here is Mammarella & Cornoldi's paper:
Irene C. Mammarella & Cesare Cornoldi (2014) An analysis of the criteria
used to diagnose children with Nonverbal
Learning Disability (NLD), Child Neuropsychology: A
Journal on Normal and Abnormal Development in Childhood and Adolescence, 20:3,
255-280, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09297049.2013.796920
Of these five criteria, the authors find the first
criterion necessary. At least two of the criteria 2-4 are required, and the fifth criterion is possible.
- Low visuospatial
ability with relatively good verbal ability. A significant
discrepancy between measures of verbal ability (in CHC terms,
comprehension knowledge) and measures of perceptual or visuospatial
ability (in CHC terms, visuospatial processing). The authors suggest that the discrepancy
should be at least one standard deviation. A child
does not meet
this criterion if his verbal ability is significantly higher than average
(say, above 115) and his visuospatial ability is average. A child
does not meet
this criterion if his verbal ability is significantly lower than average (say, below 85) and his visuospatial
ability is two or more standard deviations below average.
- Visuoconstructive and fine motor impairments. This ability is usually
measured by reproduction of geometric figures. We don't only look at the individual's
aptitude for copying a figure, but how well planned and organized that
figure is. This ability is usually measured
by tests like the BEERY and RCFT. Performance
is poor if it's one or more standard deviation below average. The authors recommend using more than
one test. With two tests
performance is poor if one of the test's scores is one and a half standard
deviation or more below average.
- Poor math achievement at school along with relatively good reading decoding ability. NLD children do not usually have trouble recalling arithmetical facts, but they make visuospatial errors in written calculations (i.e., confusing columns, carrying/borrowing errors) and write mirrored numbers. Not all studies find poor performance in standardized mathematics tests. The authors recommend basing the diagnosis on a discrepancy of at least one standard deviation between intact reading decoding and poor mathematics achievement. They recommend looking for qualitative signs of math difficulties resulting from visuospatial difficulties.
- Poor spatial working memory. The problem is, that I'm
not sure the authors are distinguishing
between spatial working memory and spatial memory. When writing about this criterion they
sometimes write " spatial working memory" and sometimes "spatial
memory". Tests measuring spatial working memory present the child with a
series of spatial stimuli, on which he has to perform mental manipulations
and respond immediately. Tests measuring
spatial memory present the child with spatial stimuli and measure his
ability to retrieve them after a period of time (after four minutes or
more), with no manipulation. When I
looked at the tests that were used in the studies measuring spatial working memory, usually I couldn't
tell what they were, because they are described vaguely as "spatial
working memory tests" or "visuospatial organization
problems". Anyway, the authors
recommend that the score on a test measuring spatial working memory should
be lower than average by one standard deviation or more (when using one
test) and one and a half standard deviation or more in one of two tests
used
- Social and emotional difficulties.
The authors list this as another
criterion for identifying a subgroup of children with NVLD. Difficulties understanding emotions and
difficulties with social skills should
be present at school and at home
and should be assessed by a clinical interview and observation. The authors suggest using questionnaires
and clinical interviews with parents and teachers.
All of the above is from Mammarella & Cornoldi's
study.
Flanagan and her colleagues, in a paper about
the WISC4 test,
Flanagan, D. P., Alfonso, V. C., Mascolo, J.
T., & Hale, J. B. (2011). The
Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children–Fourth Edition in Neuropsychological
Practice.
write that children with NVLD have poor math performance and poor
performance in the PRI (perceptual reasoning index) and the PSI (processing
speed index). The PRI consists of the
tests matrix reasoning, Block Design and Picture Concepts. The matrix reasoning test measures fluid
ability (using visual stimuli). It's
possible that processing speed is poor because the tests measuring processing
speed also use visual stimuli.
Flanagan adds, that
children with NVLD performed well on forward digit span and had poor
performance on backward digit span.
Rourke suggested a
definition for NVLD in 1995, that was
accepted by many researchers. According to
this definition, children with NVLD have high verbal ability, good verbal rote
memory, phonological awareness, verbal fluency and good verbal classification
ability. These children have weak
visuospatial skills, perceptual and motor skills and nonverbal problem solving
skills. They have difficulties with math
but intact word reading skills. Often
they have social difficulties resulting from visuospatial difficulties, that
affect their ability to read social and visual cues like gestures and facial
expressions. This definition is from
this study:
Larsen, J. M. (2011). The impact of visual memory deficits on academic
achievement in children and adolescents (Doctoral dissertation, The University of
Utah). http://content.lib.utah.edu/utils/getfile/collection/etd3/id/461/filename/589.pdf
To all this I'll add from personal experience, that
children with NVLD sometimes have reading comprehension difficulties
(understanding latent and implicit meanings in texts and content related to
social and cultural norms), analyzing and synthesizing a whole into parts and
parts into a whole (not only with visual
stimuli, but generally paying a lot of attention to details and having difficulty
seeing the gestalt), handwriting difficulties, poor drawing and written
expression, and trouble understanding intonation.
Is it possible to define NVLD in terms of CHC
theory? In the next post.
Tuesday, March 10, 2015
Is the linkage between number and space congenital?
Mapping of numbers onto space plays a
fundamental role for many aspects of mathematics, including geometry, Cartesian
coordinates and mapping real and complex numbers onto lines or planes. Children’s
conceptions of how numbers map onto space shifts radically during the early
school years. Kindergarten children can
represent numbers in space in a non-random manner, but their representation is
compressed, seemingly logarithmic (placing, for example, the number 10 near the
midpoint of a 1–100 scale). A logarithmic
scale is based on orders of magnitude, rather than a standard linear scale, so
each mark on the scale is the previous mark multiplied by a value. The Richter
magnitude scale is an example of a logarithmic scale. The compressive
non-linearity becomes progressively more linear over the first 3 or 4 years of
schooling.
Strong support for this idea comes from a
recent study of the Mundurucu, an Amazonian indigenous group with a limited
number lexicon and little or no formal training: both adults and children of this tribe map
numbers and numerical quantities onto space in a logarithmic fashion. This points to both genetic and cultural
roots to numerical mapping: the ability to represent numbers in space appears
to be innate, but formal mathematical training is required to refine the
representation from logarithmic to linear.
Interestingly, dyscalculic children from
developed societies also show a more logarithmic representation of the
numberline than controls.
Does attention affect the ability to map
numbers onto a numberline in a linear fashion?
Attention has been shown to play an important role in number perception.
Attentional-training (through videogame playing) increases the subitizing range (subitizing is the ability to grasp small numerosities
without counting).
In this research:
Anobile,
G., Cicchini, G. M., & Burr, D. C. (2012). Linear mapping of numbers onto space requires attention. Cognition, 122(3), 454-459. http://win.pisavisionlab.org/PDF_Publications_PisaVisionlab/Giovanni_Anobile_Publications/2012_Linear_mapping_of_numbers_onto_space.pdf
there were only four participants: the author and three students. The participants watched clusters of dots that were displayed on a computer screen for a
very short time period (not allowing them to count the dots when their quantity
was large). Their task was to place the dot cluster on a
numberline by clicking the mouse. There were three possible numberlines, marked at each end with a single dot to the left and 10, 30 or 100
dots to the right. The number of dots in a cluster
was between 2 to 86 (of course, the 86 cluster appeared only with a 0-100
numberline). In some of the trials the
participants concurrently performed another task that demanded attention
(pressing the mouse when a certain visual pattern appeared – a dual task).
When there was no dual task, the participants placed the dot
clusters on the numberline linearly. But
in the dual task condition, participants placed the dot clusters on the
numberline logarithmically. Apparently,
the native system of number representation is
logarithmic, even in typical adults with normal mathematical ability, and the linearization of this representation requires attention.
Friday, March 6, 2015
Visual processing and mathematics
I continue to search for information
about the relationship between cognitive abilities and math performance. The more we know about it, the better we'll
be able to link specific math difficulties to cognitive abilities that may be
causing these specific difficulties.
Here are some of the things we know thus
far about the relation between visual processing and math:
·
Visual processing is significantly and
consistently linked with math in "older" children ("older"
children probably refers to junior high school and high school students) (Flanagan
et al, 2006).
·
Precision in placing numbers on a number line
predicts future math achievement. Some
see . this ability as a measure of the number sense (Geary et al, 2012).
- Poor visuospatial skill is related with dyscalculia (Furlong et al, 2014)
- Visual processing as measured by the WJ3COG is not predictive
of math achievement as measured by WJ3ACH . (McGrew&
Wendling, 2010) .
Here is another study examining this
relationship.
Tibber, M. S.,
Manasseh, G. S., Clarke, R. C., Gagin, G., Swanbeck, S. N., Butterworth, B.
& Dakin, S. C. (2013). Sensitivity
to numerosity is not a unique visuospatial psychophysical predictor of
mathematical ability. Vision
research, 89, 1-9.
More than 300 participants aged 6-71 were
recruited to an experiment in the London science museum. They completed a questionnaire about their
age, sex, general and math education level, took a math test and performed a
series of visuospatial matching tasks.
Mathematical ability was assessed using a computer-based
multiple-choice test adapted from the Mathematics Calculation Subtest
(WJ-Rcalc) of the Woodcock–Johnson III Tests of Cognitive Abilities. Participants were presented with a series of
problems that increased in difficulty from simple addition and subtraction
through to multiplication and division of fractions and negative integers . Participants were given 30 s to respond to
each problem. The test was terminated if the participant made a certain
number of errors.
Visuospatial processing was assessed by a
visual matching test. Two patches of
oriented Gabor elements were presented to the left and right of screen centre (see figure below). Participants
used a mouse to adjust the patch on the right (the test) so that it matched the
appearance of the patch on the left (the reference) for a given parameter
(orientation, size, numerosity or density). As far as I know, this task does not fit any
of the narrow CHC visual processing abilities.
The results showed, that older
participants performed significantly better on all tasks ( visuospatial and math
tasks). This finding is surprising
because I would expect a decline in performance above the age of 20-30.
It was also found that men
significantly outperformed women on all tasks.
No correlation was found between
the ability to match density and size and math achievement.
In participants older than 18,
there was a significant correlation between the ability to match orientation
and quantity and math achievement. Such a tendency
was also found in children but it was not significant. The authors think that's because the children's sample size was too
small.
The correlation found between the ability to match quantities
and math achievement is not surprising at all.
The ability to match quantities is essentially a math task (reflecting
number sense) that is only performed visually.
The correlation found in this study and other studies between the
ability to match quantities and math achievement is similar: between 0.2 and 0.4. Sensitivity to numerosity is a significant
and reliable predictor of math scores.
How can we explain the correlation between the ability to
match orientation and math achievement? The
authors ask this question but don’t answer it in a convincing way. They say that there probably is a common
system at the base of math and visuospatial tasks, and that people whose system
is more sensitive (better) will tend to study high level math.
Saturday, January 17, 2015
Does the state of our cognitive abilities affect the self?
A lot of our sense of self is embedded in
our autobiographical memory – the memory of our life event, our "life
story". People usually don’t remember
events that happened prior to the age of 4, and remember more events from the
last 5 to 10 years of their lives. People
also tend to remember more events from the period when they were between the
ages of 10 to 30 than from other periods of their lives.
Why?
New and unique events happen in adolescence and early adulthood, among them events that are important for our self identity. Due to their uniqueness, these events are kept in memory better. They are also retrieved better, since they serve as examples to similar events encountered later in life. This phenomenon of more memories between the ages of 10 to 30 has a cognitive explanation as well: the cognitive systems and the memory systems (like working memory and long term memory) function optimally at this period of time. That's why storage and retrieval of memories formed at this period is better.
Why?
New and unique events happen in adolescence and early adulthood, among them events that are important for our self identity. Due to their uniqueness, these events are kept in memory better. They are also retrieved better, since they serve as examples to similar events encountered later in life. This phenomenon of more memories between the ages of 10 to 30 has a cognitive explanation as well: the cognitive systems and the memory systems (like working memory and long term memory) function optimally at this period of time. That's why storage and retrieval of memories formed at this period is better.
The cognitive
explanation for the phenomenon of more memories in the age range of 10-30 is
related to the basic systems approach to autobiographical memory. This approach argues that autobiographical
memory depends on other cognitive systems since it involves the senses (the
memory of an event involves sights, smells, tastes, sounds and touch) as well
as language and emotions. A deficiency in one of the
cognitive systems will lead, according to this approach, to a deficiency in the
content of autobiographical memory.
What do we know about success in verbal
and visuospatial memory tests? Women
outperform men on verbal memory tests, while males outperform women on
visuospatial memory tests. Higher educated
people succeed more on verbal and visuospatial memory tests than lower educated
people. Adolescents and young adults
perform better on these tests than middle aged adults, and middle aged adults
outperform older adults. Performance on
visuospatial memory tests reaches a higher peak in adolescence and early
adulthood and deteriorates more steeply in middle age and older adulthood than
performance on verbal memory tests.
One way to measure autobiographical
memory is to compare between retrieval of a personal event right after its occurrence
and retrieval of the same event after a while.
This procedure is usually done with the aid of diaries. As the time gap between the event's occurrence
and its retrieval lengthens, retrieval deteriorates. Retrieval is affected by the valence of the
event, its frequency (if it's very frequent it will be difficult to distinguish
it from other similar events happening before or after this event, and so it
will be harder to remember this specific event), and the amount of reminiscence
(how much the person recalled this event in the time period between its occurrence
and the point in time when memory for the event is tested).
This research
The
relation between verbal and visuospatial memory and autobiographical memory.
Kristo, Rouw, Murre and Janssen
was performed, like many other recent
studies, through the internet. The researchers
created an internet site which has various memory tests, among them verbal and
visuospatial tests, as well as questionnaires about autobiographical
memories. The site is open for every
person who registers and takes as many tests as he wishes, when he wishes.
617 people wrote in the internet site
about a personal event that occurred in the three days prior to writing. They wrote, according to the researcher's
requests, about the essence of the event, who was involved, where and when the
event took place and described one important and one unimportant detail of the
event. They also rated the event's
importance and emotional importance and its frequency. The same people also took verbal and
visuospatial memory tests. After a
period of 2,7,14,30 and 45 days the researchers contacted the participants (by
email) and asked them about the events that they had previously described.
People who performed better on verbal and visuospatial memory
tests performed better on the autobiographical memory tests (remembered the
events better) than participants of the same age group that did less well on
the verbal and visuospatial memory tests.
The ability to remember the personal event was more strongly related to
the scores on the verbal memory tests than to the scores on the visuospatial
memory tests. The researchers suggest that a possible
reason for this is that they did not ask visuospatial questions about the
personal event (not at the time of writing nor at the later time). Focusing attention on visuospatial aspects of
the event might have contributed to a stronger relation between visuospatial
memory and memory of the event.
Wednesday, July 2, 2014
Intelligence and Cognitive Abilities Part 9: Visual Processing
Intelligence and Cognitive Abilities Part 9: Visual Processing
This is the last presentation in the series. The whole
series appears in the right column of the blog.
I intend and hope to update these presentations from time
to time.
Enjoy, and thanks for reading.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
